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標題: [時事討論] 从默多克窃听门看媒体与法律交战 [打印本頁]

作者: aa00    時間: 2011-7-21 01:34 PM     標題: 从默多克窃听门看媒体与法律交战


2 ^" B/ {' ?) BTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。2011年 7月 20日
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从默多克窃听门看媒体与法律交战5 o4 {' e4 @  r9 @' r7 C! l
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VOA  记者: 杨晨 | 国会
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新闻集团窃听丑闻也殃及英国首相卡梅隆。图为他7月20日向英国议会陈情
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民主社会一向以新闻自由引以为傲;媒体扮演着揭发政府腐败、主持正义的角色,而媒体大亨鲁伯特.默多克(Rupert Murdoch)的新闻集团涉嫌收买警察获取新闻来源,人们在震惊之余会想到如果一个社会媒体和政 界联手,这将是一个什么样的社会。2 o/ m  n% w; H* I* l. H) A
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*对新闻界的冲击*
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$ T4 u9 e8 \" d4 Q# U: T美国维吉尼亚州的欧道明大学(Old Dominian Univ. )的国际商业和管理系教授李少民说,这起丑闻对新闻自由是一种破坏:“一个以制度为本的社会有五个标准,政治权力,法制,新闻自由,公共诚信,审计制度;这次新闻集团破坏的东西跟一个政府破坏法律是差不多的;它跟政府勾结窃听,把新闻行业的声誉破坏了,很像法官受贿以后执法不公正,把法律形象破坏了。
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维吉尼亚州的乔治梅森大学(George Mason University)新闻系的史蒂夫.克莱恩(Steve Klein)教授也认为这起丑闻破坏了新闻界的声望, 不过他更担心的是默多克集团对政界的影响:“因为默多克在美国政界的权力和影响。这种现象真的让我非常担心。我们今天不能像过去那样相信媒体仍然是一个为我们过滤信息的守护者。今天做一个好公民的职责在于我们自己,而不是华盛顿邮报,华尔街日报,纽约时报上告诉我们怎么做。 并不是媒体怎么说,我们就一定要相信。”( n% ?  I; |+ e+ D

; X) G4 J0 {2 R$ x2 v新闻集团拥有的美国福克斯电视台(Fox News)被看作是右派、保守媒体,在美国政治选举中影响着一部分民众的立场。
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*默多克父子否认对电话窃听知情*tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb2 p; v0 O: Z$ \5 T5 z
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默多克和他的儿子詹姆斯.默多克(James Murdoch)7月19号在英国议会接受质询。; h" ?) y% U4 r, b0 ?  P
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默多克父子都表示了歉意,但否认他们自己有违法行为。
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身兼新闻集团(News Corp)董事长、行政总裁的老默多克指责他身边信任的人背叛了他:“那些我信任的人,我不知道他们是谁,或者说是那一级(主管),他们背叛了公司和我。他们才是应该付出代价的人。”
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: G2 q/ j$ g7 x, H) [6 ^3 vtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb虽然默多克父子否认他们本人有违法行为,不过参加听证的英国议员们指出,作为公司最高主管,就像一条船的船长,他们仍然对公司发生的一切负有责任。一位议员还引用了法律用语-willful blindness-故意不知情-而批评他们父子俩的一问三不知。
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( ~7 F  X) r0 }  D2 _法律界人士说,默多克在听证上一再表示他对于电话窃听和贿赂警察不知情,这可能给他个人和新闻集团招来更多的法律诉讼,投资者可以就公司的运营政策有误导而提出集体诉讼。, M* R3 L* ]8 t- T

- i+ w$ N7 {- d7 W在星期二的听证上,有英国议员问默多克是否会辞职,他坚决地回答“不”:“坦率地说,只有我才能收拾这个残局。”公仔箱論壇9 T; ^, p& ]/ U6 Y1 Y. H0 x# D& ^
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不过,这个残局并不好收拾。电话窃听丑闻还在延续,新闻集团还涉嫌窃听了911恐怖袭击受害者家属的电话,所以很可能受到美国政府调查。
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(以上内容摘自或摘译自 其它媒体,不代表發帖者观点)
作者: felicity2010    時間: 2011-7-21 01:50 PM

本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2011-7-21 01:56 PM 編輯
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Murdoch:This scandal has exposed the scale of elite corruption公仔箱論壇! T4 ~" M  P& p/ g* I, J
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Seumas Milne   The Guardian, t) i: z) A+ h: ^2 h  o3 |
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The Tory operation to bury the phone-hacking scandal in spin and official inquiries is now in full flow. On his way back from Africa, David Cameron declared it was essential to get the whole business into perspective, echoing Rupert Murdoch's insistence that his competitors had got up "this hysteria".Today, the prime minister chided Ed Miliband for "chasing conspiracy theories" and claimed it was really Gordon Brown who had been in the pocket of the global media billionaire.
( C) l* ^: M  tTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。
$ y' k* F& w0 WTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Meanwhile,News International pundits and others with their own reasons to stem the flood of revelations have been loudly insisting that the political clout of Murdoch's corporate colossus has been exaggerated. The hyper-regulated BBC is the real media monopoly, they say, and in any case the current fixation with phone hacking has meant no one is discussing bankers' bonuses and the threat of another financial meltdown. This is a "frenzy that has grown out of control", the Daily Mail complained.公仔箱論壇" |! S3 N4 ~9 s; k+ R, [
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But the real frenzy isn't the exposure of the scandal – it's the scale of corruption, collusion and cover-up between News International, politicians and police that the scandal has revealed. As the cast of hacking victims, blaggers and blackmailers has lengthened, and the details of the incestuous payments and job-swapping between News International, government and Scotland Yard become more complex, it's easy to lose sight of the bigger picture that is now emerging.
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If it were not for the uncovering of this cesspit, the Cameron government would be preparing to nod through the outright takeover of BSkyB by News International,taking its dominance of Britain's media and political world into Silvio Berlusconi territory. But what has been exposed now goes well beyond the hacking of murder victims and dead soldiers' families – or even themedia itself. The scandal has lifted the lid on how power is really exercisedin 21st-century Britain – in which theunreformed City and its bankers play a central part.
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Murdoch's overweening political influence has long been recognised, from well before Tony Blair flew to Australia in 1995 to pay public homage at his corporate court. What has been less well understood is how close-up and personal the pressure exerted by his organisation has been throughout public life. The fear that those who crossed him would be given the full tabloid treatment over their personal misdemeanours, real or imagined, has proved to be a powerful Mafia-like racket.- X( }+ w/ V( [; U

0 s/ B: `4 v7 I) }" ~  Y公仔箱論壇It was the warning that News International would target their personal lives that cowed members of the Commons culture and media committee over pressing their investigation into phone hacking too vigorously before the last election.Barely a fortnight ago, Ed Miliband was warned that Murdoch's papers would"make it personal" after he broke with the political-class omerta towards the company. The same vow of silence meant that when Rebekah Brooks told MPs in 2003 her organisation had "paid the police for information", the bribery admission sank like a stone.www2.tvboxnow.com2 Z5 Y* r6 Z9 h: P

/ g. {# c4 `6 Owww2.tvboxnow.comThe Sopranos style is deeply embedded in the Murdoch dynasty. When the New Labour culture secretary Tessa Jowell broke up with her husband in 2006 as he faced Berlusconi-linked corruption charges (he was later cleared), Brooks took her out, letting her cry on her shoulder – just as News International was hacking into the couple's phone. Jowell has now called in her lawyers, but that didn'tstop her attending Elisabeth Murdoch's lavish Chipping Norton party earlier this month, along with David Miliband and other Blairite luminaries. The family demands respect – even from those it has punished.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb6 P) A, M2 `9 g+ a7 c; M9 t  h0 e

& _$ E& o" F. W% o/ t6 m2 |: [3 q' o  I5 K7 _Of course, the British press has a long history of megalomaniacal, reactionary and criminal proprietors. Some, such as Conrad Black, ended up in prison – or, in the case of Robert Maxwell, would have done if he hadn't died. Others, such asthe migrant-and-Muslim-baiting pornographer Richard Desmond, merely emphasise how narrow and dysfunctional media ownership is in Britain.1 G; C8 K. d# ]/ a; ^
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But Murdoch is a case apart, not only because of his commanding position in both print and satellite TV, but because of the crucial part he played in cementing Margaret Thatcher's political power and then shaping a whole era of New Labour/Tory neoliberal consensus that delivered enfeebled unions, privatisation and the Iraq war. His role in breaking the print unions at Wapping in the 1980sby sacking 5,000 mostly low-paid workers is still hailed in parts of the media as a brave blow for quality journalism.公仔箱論壇8 \. y9 T* f+ P# y8 _

. Y- s" G  k4 |. ^TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。It was nothing of the kind. The golden age of new titles never materialised, and it's certainly no coincidence that journalists were prevailed upon to resort to systematic illegality in a company that has refused to recognise independent trade unions ever since. Over those years, News International has used its grip on the political class to rewrite media regulation in its own image. As we now know, it has also suborned politicians and the police and operated as a freelance security service – not to expose the abuse of power, but to carry it out.
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* y' s3 _# O3 Z4 Wtvb now,tvbnow,bttvbThese revelations should ram home the reality that Britain has become a far more corrupt country than many realise. Much of that has been driven by the privatisation-fuelled revolving door culture that gives former ministers and civil servants plum jobs in the companies they were previously regulating.
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1 F0 [8 ]. j8 M8 rBut the scandal has also created a powerful opportunity to weaken the unaccountable corporate power that has dominated the British press and create the space for a freer, more diverse media. The Labour leader has naturally been attacked by News International journalists for his call to break up the Murdoch empire and limit media concentration as though he were unaware of the decline of print and the rise of the web. In fact, that shift makes public action more urgent and necessary – and if the Liberal Democrats recognise their own interests, even politically possible.
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But several of these opportunities have come and gone. First the official deception of the Iraq war, then the collapse of a deregulated banking system, then the exposure of systematic sleaze in parliament revealed a growing crisis in the way the country is run. Now that crisis has been shown to have spread to the media and police. Official Britain isn't working. Sooner or later, pressure for change will become unstoppable.




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