& ]2 w9 S. ]' S# nwww2.tvboxnow.com中國通與中國關係愛恨交纏，他們或其父執輩生於中國，目睹清末民初以至國共內戰，看到封建王朝結束後依然流延不去的餘毒，看到中國社會的劣根性，貪污腐敗軍閥割據，國家不仁以萬物為芻狗，對清朝以至國民黨政府俱有批判之心。這些人回到美國，對國民政府政權大加批判，對中共大加讚揚，可以說，四十年代到五十年代的美國官方及民間的中國通絕大多數為中共支持者。他們把廉潔中國的夢想寄託在尚在陝西窰洞、河北西柏坡的中共領導人，認為只有這些充滿理想的馬克思主義者才是中國現代化的指路明燈。 7 |' n5 ~. [, W6 o9 ? / D% X8 k- n3 U+ k$ x, F2 c( WTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。國民政府遷到陪都重慶期間，這個偏處西南的重鎮國共兩黨官員雲集，美國官方辦事處官員也不少，包括美國新聞處的費正清（John King Fairbank），以及生於成都的傳教士之子、美國駐華使館二等秘書謝偉思（John Service）。他們與中共第一代領導人打交道，親眼目證國民政府軟弱無力，心理上較為親近年輕朝氣的中共諸人，包括能言善辯的周恩來，以及英語了得的燕京大學畢業生新聞官龔澎。他想不到的是，以為中共裏頭都是類似毛澤東的湖南口音書生，卻是來了一批天津北平大城巿英語說得極為流利的大學畢業生，尤其是龔澎，更是駐重慶美國記者及官員的話題人物。費正清在他的自傳體裁結集《到中國去》（China Bound）是這樣描述龔澎出場：「結果是聰明吸引的年輕女子龔澎來找我，她剛接任成為周恩來的出色新聞官……她的氣質糅合了年輕的朝氣以及對中國共產黨信念的堅定信仰，極為善解戰地記者人意，外帶一新耳目的幽默感」（Asa result a very intelligent and attractive young woman named Kung Peng came to see me. She was just at the start of a brilliant career as Chou En-lai's press officer……Her personality combined the freshness of youth with the certainty of her faith in the CCP cause plus a good deal of sophistication about war correspondents and a refreshing sense of humor）。www2.tvboxnow.com( e, {' t* U8 W9 k8 r
$ u+ p/ N$ x- ^" a, i公仔箱論壇 # d8 v3 k& v5 bwww2.tvboxnow.com重慶上演的國共宣傳戰 ; _2 p; H2 D" z. [7 lTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。公仔箱論壇2 E; }# Y: l6 ]1 o7 G! h
這場帶著統戰色彩的宣傳戰戰果不言而喻，儘管國民政府也有生於美國南部英語優雅的宋美齡，但從延安下來的中共人員帶著的革命浪漫主義色彩與接受西方教育的樂觀開明，野獸與美女的二元本質共冶一爐更令陪都的美國人著迷，客觀上建構成為此後延綿多年美國中國通的中國觀的其中之一主流。不過，「中國關係」在五十年代麥卡錫極右思潮臨頭時讓他們吃盡苦頭，在「誰失去中國」右翼大棒子之下，謝偉思失去工作，遠離華盛頓到加州當推銷員。七十年代美國被困在越南動彈不得，那時有人想起告老歸田的謝偉思及另一國務院官員戴維斯（John Davis），認為美國在麥卡錫主義下失去大批亞洲及中國問題專家，以致不明不白的派出大軍到越南打一場在錯誤的時間的錯誤戰爭。公仔箱論壇% c5 B& Z4 i- @- F; o
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但是在高等院校則是另一種情況。 : b$ X$ S0 b$ E1 M$ w - a8 z' u1 c! M& d! u' ^7 [tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb費正清回到哈佛大學教書，學生盈門，有說他指導的博士生超過一百人，有說是逾八十人，不論兩個數字誰對誰錯，但在美國頂級名校教出八十個博士恐怕是一個紀錄，哈佛大學與費正清的現代中國研究堪稱二而一的關係。美國東岸哈佛耶魯等長春藤八大聯盟有一個不成文傳統，有著中國古時的「易子而教」教學關係，本科畢業要進研究院，很多時都會被推薦到其他長春藤大學攻讀，當然也有尖子長留本校讀到博士畢業，在哈佛大學這些人有一個稱號——「哈佛人」（Harvard Man），其中包括前面所述的黎安友。黎安友是費正清的學生，以研究中國派系政治著稱，七十年代寫過《北京政治一九一八至一九二三：中國派系政治及憲政失敗》（Peking Politics, 1918-1923 :Factionalism and the Failure of Constitutionalism），可說是一新中國研究流派耳目。黎安友之後集中研究中國人權與天安門民主運動，被中共敵視，對黎態度不佳。除費正清外，紐約哥倫比亞大學的包大可（Doak Barnett）五十年代曾以美國總領事館新聞官身分派駐香港，對中共態度溫和，六十年代提出對中共「圍堵而不孤立」。此後台灣當局多次邀包大可參觀寶島，包大可由於對國民黨心生厭惡，二十年間未踏足台灣，到八十年代始首次往訪。包大可門生不少，有兩人曾經直接影響美中關係，一是卡特總統年代的國家安全事務官員、參加美中建交談判的奧克森伯格，另一則是克林頓的中國政策智囊李侃如（Kenneth Lieberthal）。公仔箱論壇 W+ K2 b, E7 B- `
TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。! c3 T6 @, Y$ }! Y
! B7 [+ F3 A V1 ], _TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。Minxin Pei: The Real Singapore Modeltvb now,tvbnow,bttvb: j+ X4 U7 q1 ]3 C4 h
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CLAREMONT, CALIFORNIA – The death of Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s founding father, offers an occasion to reflect on his legacy –and, perhaps more importantly, on whether that legacy has been correctly understood. TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。3 H+ `2 f3 ]) m7 o" r4 r) U
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During his 31 years as prime minister, Lee crafted a unique system of government, intricately balancing authoritarianism with democracy and state capitalism with the free market. Known as “the Singapore model,” Lee’s brand of governance is often mischaracterized as a one-party dictatorship superimposed on a free-market economy. His success in transforming Singapore into a prosperous city-state is frequently invoked by authoritarian rulers as justification for their tight control of society – and nowhere more so than in China. 公仔箱論壇! P' H7 G& u4 z( Q' ]7 s
' @+ S) y: R1 E4 _" V) s- n' rIndeed, Chinese President Xi Jinping is pursuing a transformative agenda heavily influenced by the Singapore model – a relentless war on corruption, a broad crackdown on dissent, and pro-market economic reforms. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sees in Singapore a vision of its future: the perpetuation of its monopoly on political power in a prosperous capitalist society. * n9 q7 ^; c, a5 g+ o
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But the Singapore model, as China’s rulers understand it, never existed. To emulate Lee’s model of government – rather than its cartoon caricature – would require allowing a far more democratic system than the CCP would ever tolerate. TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。3 M5 w5 d. D( w
1 J3 f! f( s0 NTVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。The true secret of Lee’s political genius was not his skillful use of repressive practices, such as launching lawsuits against the media or his political opponents; such tactics are common and unremarkable in semi-authoritarian regimes. What Lee did that was truly revolutionary was to use democratic institutions and the rule of law to curb the predatory appetite of his country’s ruling elite. ) I, x2 b ~9 N, ^! U4 G; W V- D8 f# q7 h, T, q7 d
Unlike China, Singapore allows opposition parties to contest in competitive and free (though not necessarily fair)elections. In the last parliamentary election in 2011, six opposition parties won a total of 40%of the vote. Should the People’s Action Party (PAP), the party Lee founded,lose its legitimacy due to poor governance, Singapore’s voters could throw it out of office. , @& @ M' e6 Y" C
7 s8 ^* @2 G* g; U& Rwww2.tvboxnow.comBy holding regular competitive elections, Lee effectively established a mechanism of political self-enforcement and accountability – he gave Singaporean voters the power to decide whether the PAP should stay in power. This enforcement mechanism has maintained discipline within Singapore’s ruling elite and makes its promises credible. www2.tvboxnow.com l8 Q9 }% ]/ C$ F/ R4 T
Regrettably, most of the rest of the world has never given Lee proper credit for crafting a hybrid system of authoritarianism and democracy that vastly improved the well being of his country’s citizens, without subjecting them to the brutality and oppression to which many of Singapore’s neighbors have resorted. 公仔箱論壇* I; G# O9 y+ I+ e) ]* k% R
* K; y0 D. a$ l7 L/ N8 FChina would be wise to embrace this model, by introducing a considerable degree of democracy and strengthening adherence to the rule of law. China’s 1.4 billion citizens would benefit immensely if their rulers were to adopt Singapore-style political institutions and practices. This would mean, at a minimum, legalizing organized political opposition,introducing competitive elections at regular intervals, and creating an independent judiciary. 公仔箱論壇4 c. V" N# h* z: i) Q* K
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Emulating Lee would allow China to achieve immense progress and become a more humane and open society with a brighter future. Sadly, there is almost no chance of this happening, at least any time soon. When China’s leaders cite the Singapore model, what they have in mind is limited to the perpetuation of their power. They want the benefits of political dominance, without the checks imposed by a competitive institutional context. - O2 s; I' c: Z1 P; K$ etvb now,tvbnow,bttvbwww2.tvboxnow.com( X# B) h" b9 l: z [! X9 S, M
Lee may have been skeptical about the benefits of democracy, but he was not viscerally hostile to it; he understood its usefulness. By contrast, China’s leaders view democracy as an existential ideological threat that must be neutralized at any cost. For them, allowing even a modicum of democracy as a means to impose some discipline on the elite is considered suicidal. TVBNOW 含有熱門話題，最新最快電視，軟體，遊戲，電影，動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 y4 F2 }" c! |( ]
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Unfortunately, Lee is no longer with us. One would like to imagine him explaining to China’s leaders what has been truly innovative about the Singapore model. Obviously, that is not an option. But it would behoove the CCP – if for no other reason than simple respect for one of Asia’s great statesmen – to stop appropriating the Singapore brand in the service of a completely different agenda. 作者: billzhang 時間: 2015-3-29 10:31 PM
